President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, giving his State of the Nation address |
Call it what you will, but Vladimir Putin's State of the
Nation speech on December 4th marked an abrupt departure from, if not his
so-called doctrine of Putinism, then
certainly from the people's and perhaps even his own conviction in it.
Furthermore, I believe that this is an event
which may very well come to
demarcate the year that Putin's luck finally ran out. To find out why this
event is so important, let us first take a look at what political features
comprise Putinism. We will then analyze the text itself and why it was so
poorly received, finally concluding with an assessment of what changes might be
on the horizon, based on the observed substantive changes in this most recent
speech.
It is impossible to discuss Putinism without at least
briefly discussing how Boris Yeltsin governed and shaped Russia in the
immediate aftermath of the Soviet Collapse. In general, regimes that emerge
during a transition from one political system to another are dominated by the
presence of a charismatic leader, who can consequently take advantage of
extremely weak political institutions with no ability for mobilization. In
Yeltsin's Russia, the remaining Soviet political institutions, namely the Supreme
Soviet (essentially the Soviet
parliament), posed a significant obstacle to Yeltsin's agenda, opposing him at
every turn with every ounce of political capital they possessed. From early in
his presidency, it was clear that Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet would be
forever diametrically opposed, which likely provided the primary impetus for
Yeltsin to crush that body. He accomplished this by devolving a significant
amount of power to the Oblast' (state)
and local levels of government, which then allowed Yeltsin to
"undercut" the mandate of the Supreme Soviet, eventually forcing them
from power. Let it be observed by all that this was the first major political
initiative in post-Soviet Russia.
A gathering of the Supreme Soviet in the early 1990s. |
Next Yeltsin's presidency entered a period in which it
was characterized by a substantive loss of traction with the masses, stemming
from the defeat of the Supreme Soviet, which represented the only tangible and
credible threat of a coup to restore the old system. From there, Yeltsin's
Russia stabilized around a model of Military-Bureaucratic consolidation of
power, in which the State and military acted exclusively to preserve their own
interests. At this point, the Kremlin began the lengthy process of transferring
the massive state owned assets into private hands, which, as many of my readers
may know, resulted in the massive concentration of wealth in the hands of a few, well positioned individuals. It was essentially in this form that power remained
consolidated under Yeltsin up until New Year's Eve, 2000.
The regime inherited by Putin was one that was totally
decentralized, with political power significantly devolved and economic power
in the hands of a class of oligarchs. It is with this reality that the Putin
regime has struggled since day one, a struggle that has consisted primarily of
(1) sacking a number of oligarchs (see: Mikhail Khodorkovsky)
to restore the economic power of the Kremlin, and (2) using political means to
consolidate authority in the at the federal level. In achieving the latter,
Putin's regime has murdered and threatened journalists as well as political opponents,
bribed and cajoled their way into Oblast' level and local level
administrations, and of course invaded sovereign nations, most notably Georgia
in 2008 and Ukraine in 2014,
both of which have resulted in increasing the territory of the Russian
Federation. This is, in essence, Putinism.
Prime Minister of Russia, Dmitrii Medvedev, asleep at Sochi |
Dmitrii Medvedev having another ill-timed nap |
Another key feature of this speech was the first claim
from Putin that Crimea represents a holy place for Russians on par with that of
the Temple Mount for Jews, a claim that has baffled Russian historians. Besides the offensive nature of these comments to both
Jews and Muslims (not to mention anyone with a sense of historical justice),
this is simply a bad move at a political and geopolitical level- and worse, It
seems to indicate sloppy planning by a regime inundated in political and economic
crises, which provides ample reason for worry on behalf of responsible state
actors (and people for that matter).
This is all coming in the midst of the recent attacks in
Chechnya (reported below), which have fueled concern over a resurgence of the
domestic terrorism that has plagued Russia for decades,
most notably punctuated by the Beslan Tragedy.
Coming out of this speech, it is probable that we can
expect the Russian state to further careen toward consolidating power in the
Kremlin while attempting to assert itself militarily abroad, in conjunction
with pushing misinformation and their psuedo-Soviet ideology on all who will
listen, but especially those disaffected by the United States' numerous and
ghastly blunders in recent years.
The State of the Empire seems wobbly at best these days.
___________________________________________________________________________________
An Addendum/Further explanation to the above post:
The aforementioned change in tone really was most marked
in comparison to other speeches that Putin has given. I believe that I cited
his Crimea annexation speech as a contrast (which might be best compared to
Obama's "I killed Bin-Laden" speech, in terms of gravity and
importance to the people). The primary reason for this is that Putin has seemed
to lose his way in applying some of the aspects of Putinism that helped it gain
traction with the people, namely the use of Orthodox Christian lore (as it
pertains to the inception of
Kievan Rus' - which was essentially the
source of Russian civilization) to justify belligerent Russian actions in
general, but especially the seizure of Crimea and War in Donbass. As I
mentioned in the post, he for the first time used the Crimea as Temple Mount
for Russians argument. So it's not that this is necessarily evidence of him
backing away (perhaps I should review the exact language of the post), but of
increasing sloppiness and decreasing effectiveness of these measures.
But while he continues down the same rhetorical paths,
the reactions are growing more tepid (especially among the powerful elite) and
worried as the economy and ruble continue to tank, oil prices slide (which
supplies the vast majority of the Russian Federation's annual budget) and
Russian military involvement in Ukraine becomes undeniable and untenable (with
the blame for MH-17 not far behind).
There is also the legacy of the
Era of Stagnation hanging over all of
this. The stability of cadres has been the equilibrium point for Russia in
recent history, in which development and innovation suffer at the hands of
enforced bureaucratic and military stability, not to mention the state of human and personal rights. Many respected observers believe that this speech
showed many signs of a coming stagnation under Putinism.
I strongly believe that Vladimir Putin is a man who is
psychologically incapable of changing course, especially when making decisions
with such meaningful repercussions for Russia (but probably in every aspect of
his life). He seems to be losing control of the narrative to a greater extent
than before, and many Kremlinologists believe that Putin's luck is about to run out.
No comments:
Post a Comment